|  | A Cross of Churches Around Conrad' s Heart: An  analysis of the function and symbolism of the Cross of Churches in Utrecht, and those of Bamberg and Paderborn*  by Aart J. J. Mekking
 THE FOUNDATION OF THE CROSS OF CHURCHES IN UTRECHT:  THE HlSTORI CAL SETTING OF THE FOUNDATION AND lTS PATRONS
           'In the year 1039 after the incarnation of Our Lord', emperor (1027-39)  Conrad (II), seeing that nearly everything in his kingdom was going according  to his wishes, was celebrating holy Whitsun (June 3) in Utrecht, a city in  Friesland, in the confidence that his son -now that his kingship had become  reality- might hope for the emperorship. As he strode to the table while  celebrating the most holy festival in great splendour with his son and the  empress, the crown on his head, he appeared in some pain which he nonetheless  endured. When the following day the illness, which would prove fatal, struck  violently and the Bishops present in Utrecht  gathered around his deathbed at his request, he had the body and blood of the  Lord and the Sacred Cross with the relics of the saints brought to him. All in  tears he raised himself up and received the last sacraments and the absolution  of his sins through a pure and sincere confession and a fervent prayer that he  carried out with the greatest possible humility. He thereupon bid farewell to  the empress and to his son king Henry after having admonished him with all his  heart. Then he died on (Whit) Monday, the fourth of June in the seventh  indiction. The emperor's remains were interred in Utrecht  and the king enriched the burial place with gifts and inalienable goods,’ 1 King from 1039 and emperor between 1046 and 1056, Henry III  seems to have had a very strong bond with his  father Conrad.2 Perhaps for this reason  he remained so weIl disposed towards Utrecht,  the city in which his beloved father's remains were interred (Pl. VIA). No  other king or emperor of the Holy Roman Empire visited as of ten the episcopal  see to attend the solemn celebration of the great feasts there.3 Henry's generosity towards the church of Utrecht is accounted for by a  document of 21 May 1040: 'We have entrusted the entrails of our father to  Martinus as a precious deposit, so that we are now in his debt'. This is  followed with a list of the rich gifts bestowed upon the church of Bishop Bernold  (1027-54).4
 The entrails were regarded as the most important parts of the body. The  source of all life was believed to be contained in the entrails. The heart, the  most important of all entrails, was thought to be the seat of the soul and of  the mind, which joined the soul to the body.5 This may explain Henry's devotion to, and patronage of his father's  final resting place; it was Henry's wish that his own heart and entrails be  buried in his favourite place, at Goslar, his 'patria' and 'lar domesticus'.6 The annals of Pöhlde describing Henry's death say that he on 5 October  1056, from his deathbed in Bodtfeld,
 * Translated from Dutch by K. Ronnau-Bzadbeer
 
 (100)
 ordered  that his remains be transferred to the imperial family's funerary oratory at  Speyers.7 Just  as the entrails of his father were deposited in a tomb before the high altar of  the Utrecht Cathedral,8 so Henry's heart and  entrails were interred in front of the high altar of the monastery of Simon and  Judas in Goslar, which he himself  founded. According to the annals of Pöhlde, Henry instructed that his heart be  buried there, 'because his heart had always been there', but his heart also  went out to the place where the heart of his emperor and father was interred.
 The  affection of Henry III for his father Conrad II of which the sources speak was,  in my opinion, the impetus for the foundation of the cross of churches in Utrecht.  It was not built around the oldest cathedral, the venerabie Salvator, upon  which the new churches depended.1O  Nor did the cathedral precinct lie in the centre of the cross. Rather it was  the Cathedral of St Martin where the most important physical remains of the  first Salic emperor lay which lay at the heart of the cross of churches. This  configuration expresses Henry's design: to establish a cross of churches around  Conrad's heart, just as his father's predecessor Henry II had himself buried at  the centre of a cross of churches he founded for the purpose at Bamberg.
 That the foundation of a cross of churches at Utrecht  was carried out at the initiative of Henry III may be apparent from the  consecration of altars to the king's chosen patron saints, Simon and Judas (Pl.  VIB). One of the altars is preserved in the eleventh century cathedral, the other  in the Pieterskerk. The latter is particularly significant as the Pieterskerk may  have been the first in the sequence of churches to be built.
 According  to one tradition, the Pieterskerk in Utrecht  was consecrated on 1 May 1048. This tradition (one of  the very few that have a hearing on the time of construction of the  eleventh-century church in Utrecht), fits well with the widely accepted belief that the cross of churches  in Utrecht was founded shortly after 1039. The intervening period of seven or eight  years must have been more than enough to build at least one church.12
 Two  passages from medieval texts suggest that Bishop Bernold himself was active in  the establishment of a cross of churches in the 'capital' of his bishopric. The  following statement, which must be dated to 1050 and which refers to the  construction of the Paulusabdij (Paul's Abbey), appears in the earliest of two  texts: '(. . .) I, the unworthy person of Bernold, Bishop of the see of  Utrecht, have had built a monastery in the southern part (meridiana plaga) of  this same city'.13 One could infer from  the choice of words used to describe the location of the Paulusabdij, that the  author's conception of the layout of the city is informed by its arrangement  around the four cardinal points of the compass; churches built on these points  had the effect of notionally dividing medieval cities into quarters.
 The  second passage, from the Ordinals of the Cathedral which is dated to 1200,  deals with the first vespers of the evening before the feast of the Invention  of the Cross (3 May). On this evening the canons of all the chapters joined in  solemn procession to the cathedral in order to celebrate liturgical offices  before the great reliquary-cross there.14
 It appears to me that a connection may exist between this custom and the  choice of the first of May (1048) for the consecration of the Pieterskerk. The  intention may have been to move from the newly consecrated church to the  Cathedral for vespers on the evening of 2 May to return to the Pieterskerk for  the rites of the feast of the Invention of the Cross on 3 May.15 The procession on the evening of 2 May, which continued in later  centuries, was without doubt intended to express the close relationship between  the collegiate churches and the cathedral in elaborate and public liturgy.
 (101)  The most significant aspect of all this is,  however, that both the procession and the consecration of the Pieterskerk were  held on the most important feast of the cross in the western church's calendar,  the Invention of the Cross. However, the choice of this feast for the  consecration of the Pieterskerk is not accidental.16 The ceremonies scheduled for the first three days of May 1048 mark not  only the consecration of the Pieterskerk, but announce the official  installation of the cross of churches in Utrecht. The  only 'hard' evidence for the existence of the cross of churches in Utrecht  is provided by the four eleventh-century churches themselves. The Pieterskerk  in the east, the Mariakerk in the west, the Janskerk in the north and the church of Paulus  in the south stand at the four cardinal points around the cathedral, the axis  of the cruciform configuration of churches.17
 When  Bishop Conrad (1076-99) added the Mariakerk, and so completing the arrangement,  he fulfilled the plan initiated under Bishop Bernold.18 Even the consecration of the new church to the mother of Christ, Mary,  was based on a criteria established by Bernold. Mary had been one of the patron  saints of the old cathedral church of Salvator which, as we have already seen, provided the dedications of the three  other churches which formed the 'cross'.
 That  Bishop Bernold presided over the foundation of the other three churches bas  long been accepted, and for good reason. That king Henry III bas also to be  considered as the chief patron can, in my opinion, be supported not only from  the evidence outlined above, but also on the basis of the wider implications of  the choice of such a plan and the forms of the individual churches.19
 CROSSES OF CHURCHES
 Only two other instances of  programmes  for the creation of crosses of churches are known from the Holy Roman Empire at Bamberg  and Paderborn. The imperial implications of these projects were resonant at Utrecht,  and certainly provided the motive for the building of a cross of churches  there. At Bamberg and Paderborn, as at Utrecht, the cathedral stood at the centre of a cross spanning the city, each  of the four arms of which were marked by collegiate churches or cloisters. 2l  In all three cases the construction  of the cross of churches was begun in the first half of the eleventh century.  In Bamberg and Paderborn the king of the Holy Roman   Empire was active in the foundation and  construction of the new churches.22  This may also be the case in Utrecht. The three cities enjoyed similar status in the first half of the  eleventh century: they are all episcopal seats with which the king had both  personal concerns and a political interest in their position and livelihood.
 With the exception of the complexes at Bamberg,  Paderborn and Utrecht, all the other crosses of churches in the eleventh century Holy Roman Empire of a scale larger  than that of a cathedral immunity or a monastic complex,23 came into being through the restructuring and transformation of pre-existing  churches.
 Perhaps the earliest example of this kind is the so-called  'Kirchenkranz', which is interpreted as a reference to the Heavenly Jerusalem.  It is assumed that the 'wreaths' of churches which lay around the cathedrals of  Cologne and Strasbourg were transformed but not expressly built, to farm crosses.
 Similarly  triangles of churches were arranged in symbolic reference to the Holy Trinity.  Such a configuration of churches within the monastic enclosure at Fulda was modified to  form a cross during the eleventh century.25
  
 FIG.  I. Utrecht, diagrammatic plan showing   the Cross of Churches: I. St Salvator or OId 
          Minster; 2. Cathedralof St Maarten; . 3.  Pieterskerk; 4. Janskerk; 5. Pauluskerk; 6.  Mariakerk; B. 'Via Triumphalis' or 'procession route of the Emperor' (from 
        E. Herzog, Die ottonische Stadt (Berlin  1964), p.150 At Hildesheim a sequence of churches built around the cathedral in no apparent order  was later fitted into a cross formation.26
 THE CROSS AS IDEOGRAM
 Just like the arrangement of churches at the vertexes of a hypothetical triangle,  the position of churches at the extremities and the intersection of a  hypothetical cruciform bas to be interpreted as an ideogram. That is to say  that the architectural patron expressly wanted to refer to one or more specific  concepts with one or other configuration. The ideogram of the cruciform is much  richer in referential meanings than that of the triangle which I must assume  referred exclusively to the Holy Trinity and the related theological connotations.27
 The cross of churches refers not only to specific elements of the  Christian religious tradition but also to cosmology and politico-historical  ideals and events. While the above-mentioned references to Christian theology  are historically best characterized by the concept 'clerical-allegorical', the  designation 'politico-allegorical' does most justice to the specifically  medieval references to cosmology and politico-historical nature.28
 In  the medieval world the cruciform figuration is naturally associated with the  cross of Christ. The monks and canons who inhabited the ecclesiastical  institutions of the cross of churches in Paderborn  were known as 'servants of the crucified'.29
 The  sign of the cross was first and foremost the standard of the triumphant Saviour  who with it had conquered death and its cause, sin. Alongside this  soteriological interpretation, the apotropeic power of the cross must not be  overlooked.
 (103) In this case the sign of the cross is regarded as a defence against the  powers of evil, particularly against those forces which threaten the salvation  of the human soul. This talismanic magic effect of the Christian cross has its  origins in pre-Christian cultures and may be derived from symbols of salvation  found in prehistoric art. Closely related to the apotropeic power of the cross  is its use in the consecration of a specific area. The ancient custom of  creating a 'templum', an angle piece of heaven on earth, by using a cruciform  was assumed by Christianity and prominently deployed in the laying out of  churches, monastic complexes and other foundations which are earthly  reflections of the heavenly Jerusalem. As  the most essential characteristic of the structure of the Heavenly City,  the cross refers to the eschatology, the end of time when Christ will appear in  heaven with the trophy of the cross and when the Heavenly Jerusalem will  descend to earth to receive the righteous as the fellow citizens of God and his  Saints. The written tradition surrounding the cross of Paderborn  contains references to the eschatological significance of the arrangement of  the churches.
 Utrecht
 In the first paragraph of this study, I tried to show that the occasion  of the foundation of the cross of churches in Utrecht  was the interment of the entrails of emperor Conrad III in the cathedral there.  The cross of Bamberg was established along with its Bishopric, and that of Paderborn  is associated with the 'Renovatio' of the see there. Despite the different  circumstances, the foundation of each of the three crosses enjoyed the  harmonious co-operation of emperor and Bishop and are perhaps best viewed  against the political contexts in which they took place. Each project is  associated with the élite patronage of the imperial court, be it on a central level  as at Bamberg, or a regional level as at Paderborn  and Utrecht.
 THE CROSS OF CHURCHES: AN IMAGE OF THE CHURCH
 At both Paderborn and Utrecht, one church in each sequence was appointed 'ecclesia mater'. At Paderborn  the cathedral functioned as such; in Utrecht  the role was assumed by the former episcopal church which was known by the name  of 'Oldminster'. There is, however, one essential difference: at Paderborn, the  main invocation was transferred from the cathedral to both the named churches;  at Utrecht, however, each of the four churches were dedicated to one of the  secondary patrons of the Oldminster (Pl. III).33
 While  at Padertborn the main patron of the newly-founded churches is the same though  the church buildings themselves were quite different from each other, at Utrecht  the opposite can be observed. As far as can be judged by their architecture,  the churches dedicated to St Peter, St Paul and St John the Baptist had rather  similar forms. The fact that the Mariakerk is an exception to this is undoubtedly  a consequence of the fact that it was built some decades later, under the  authority of a different emperor and Bishop.
 It  is not only striking that the three churches built following the episcopal  funerary-church dedicated to Peter display the same principal forms. It is  equally remarkable
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